Post by satyendragurjar on Jul 10, 2008 22:58:50 GMT 5.5
The Gujars are originally nomadic shepherds and have been described as nomadic pastoral tribe by the social historians as well as anthropologists. They were spread across the dry tracts of western India from Kashmir to Gujrat. When India was sparsely populated, Gujars used to take their animals up to the Himalayan foothills in summer and descend back into the plains of north western states in winter. Subsequently when settled population grew and grazing grounds shrunk, most of them were forced to take to more sedentary life. Secondly when various Muslim groups began invading India in the 11th century and political scenario changed, some of Gujars converted to Islam. When this happened, their resentful Hindu neighbors and feudatories began to rise up and took control of the area. The Gujars were forced to leave the region in search for good pasture elsewhere. Their wandering took them to Himalayan states of Jammu " Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh and Uttranchal where they are still living as seasonal nomads. These Gujars who were converted to Islam and are distributed in the foothills of the Himalayas, ranging from Kashmir to the hills of Himachal and Uttaranchal and who had migrated from the plains of North-western India due to various reasons are strict vegetarians, are monogamous, lineage exogamous and patriarchal society and their women do not veil themselves. They speak in Gujari or Gojri and have same clan or ‘gotra’ as those of Gujars of plains.
As per Linguistic survey of India conducted by Dr George Grierson (1916), Gojri is a dialect of Rajasthani and is closer to Mewati and shows resemblance to Mewari. The linguistic survey of India conducted by Grierson has been the basis for the classification of Gojri as a dialect of Rajasthani in the old census reports. This makes one believe that at some point of time these people must have been in contact with the Rajasthani speakers. The Gojri speakers, along with many more ethnic Gujars of the plains who no longer speak Gojri, are the descendants of the ancient Gujars. Now a days Gojri speaking Gujars include nomadic pastoralists who herd sheep and goats or dairy buffalo as well as settled and semi settled agriculturists.
These socio-economic, occupational and cultural characteristics strengthen the view that all Gujars belong to a common ethnic group. As per the recent interpretation based on study of copper and stone inscriptions, literature of foreign travelers, Gujars were indigenous or original inhabitants of North- Western India who used to roam with their flocks of sheep, goats and cattle in search of green pastures on high altitudes.
In the 7th chapter ‘Image of the Barbarian’ of her book titled “Ancient Indian Social History-Some Interpretations” renowned historian Romila Thaper mentions that the term ‘mleccha’ was being used in ancient India (before invasion by Muslims) to describe the barbarian or indigenous inhabitants of northern India at the time of the arrival of the Aryan –speaking people. It is pertinent to mention here that since Gujars were traditional herdsman whose traditional occupation was animal husbandry; they cannot be classified as vaisya (trader) or sudras (cultivator). Their occupation i.e. cattle rearing is also considered as polluting .An essential difference between the Arya and the mleccha was that the latter did not confirm to the law of varna.The mleccha did not follow the dharma of the sastras .The mleccha appear to have had their own customary laws and functioned within the framework of these. In view of the above discussion the Gujars may only be described as mleccha i.e. a barbarian pastoral tribe of indigenous origin who were not generally included into the traditional Hindu caste hierarchy or ‘varna vyavastha’.
Subsequently the mleccha acquired political power and a new concept was necessary. The attitude towards these indigenous tribes was beginning to change and this is reflected partially in the genesis myths associated with their origin. A ninth-century inscription mentions the mleccha along the Chambal river valley. This valley has remained through out Indian history the main route from the Ganges valley to northwestern Deccan and a major centre of dacoity to this day. Perhaps the plundering of caravans was too lucrative for the area to develop any other substantial economy. (The Gujar community largely inhabits the Chambal valley and its adjoining areas in Rajasthan and even today most of the dacoits of the region belong to the Gujar community).
From the 9th century A.D. political power moved more recognizably into the hands of the erstwhile feudatories and the recipients of land grants. The new feudatories in turn became independent kings, granted land and revenue in lieu of salaries to learned Brahmans for the acquisition of religious merit. The return on the part of the Brahman may have been the fabrication of a genealogy for the new ruler. The legal sanction of the grant was generally recorded in an inscription in stone or on plates of copper, and the preamble to the grant contained the genealogy of the kings. The remarkable fact of these genealogies is that most kings claim full ksatriya status on the basis of a genealogical connection with the ancient royal families, the Suryavamsa (Solar lineage) and the Chandravamsa (Lunar lineage). What is even more significant is that most of these families are found on examination to be at least partially if not wholly of non-Aryan origin. Thus instead of being described as mleccha kings, they claim ksatriya status and have had genealogies fabricated to prove the claim. Romila Thaper emphasizes that the kings of this period, some of whom coming from mleccha stock such as the Gonds and Gujars, were willingly accorded ksatriya status. Accordingly it goes without saying that initially Gujars were a nomadic pastoral tribe belonging to mleccha stock and thus they were outside the varna system of civilized Hindu society.
The advantage of the fabricated genealogy was that mleccha antecedents were soon overlooked or forgotten, particularly in those areas where the mleccha had become more powerful. In a 9th century inscription of a Calukya feudatory of the Pratihar king great pride is taken in ‘freeing the earth from the Huna people’. The Pratihar’s claim to descent from Laksmana, the younger brother of Rama who acted as a doorkeeper (pratihar) is very suspicious or in other words fabricated. Marriage alliances and the process of Sanskritization broke the kinship barrier and mleccha rulers became patrons of Sanskrit learning and culture, so that they were as good as aryas for all practical purposes.
Simultaneously since Gujars’ resistance was most determined, localized, and sharper to the invaders i.e. Sultanate and Mugal Empire; they were subjected to greater repression. The Gujars who fought the invaders had to take refuge in inaccessible forests and mountains; they had to flee to ravines like those of Chambal. This cruel cycle of resistance, flight to forests, the subhuman existence there, forays to harass and beat back the conquerors, flight back into the forests – lasted a thousand years. Again Gujars participated at large in agrarian revolts in the 17th and early 18th centuries in the areas of Braj, Mewat, Ajmer and Ranthambhor. Entire villages refused to pay land revenue, plundered highways and looted traders. Gujars also took part in the mutiny of 1857 against the British Raj and as a result they were labeled as “Criminal Tribes”. They were dispossessed, exploited and marginalized.
In support of the above contention, renowned historian Dr. K.S.Lal in his important work, “Growth of Scheduled Castes and Tribes in Medieval India”, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 1995 has noted that: “…thereafter and right to the end of Islamic rule, far from welcoming Islamic conquerors as liberators, the ‘lower castes’ and ‘Tribes’- Meo, Bachgoti, Baghela, Barwaris, Gonds, Gujars, Jats, Bhils, Satnamis, Oraons, Mina, Kunbis, “Shudras”- are the ones that put up the most determined resistance to the invaders.”
As a result of it the history of Gujars has been one of migration, nomadic pastoralism, semi sedentarization (semi settled agriculturist), exploitation, displacement and dispossession and marginalization. The reasons of their present day condition may also be attributed to this background to a certain extent.
Gujars were also represented as notorious highway robbers involved in loot and plunder by the contemporary historians. Their habitat viz difficult terrain, dense forests, hilly areas and ravines of rivers provided them easy route to escape. The chief reason behind these constant raids and plunder were their ‘non-pastoral requirements’ (food grains, cloth etc.).
As per Imperial Gazetteer of India-Provincial series-Rajputana vol. 11, page 325; vol.21, page 114, vol 17 page 314, “the Gujars are mostly cattle breeders and dealers….they were formerly noted cattle lifters but now give little trouble….As recently as 1897 the Gujars were notorious for their raids into Gwalior and Karauli……in the mutiny they (Meo) and the Gujars were conspicuous for their readiness to take advantage of disorder in Mewat."
In the book titled “JATS "GUJARS”, published in 1899, British writer A.H.Bingley throws some light on the Gujars of North-Western India and provides some valuable information in the following paragraphs: “The name Gujar is locally derived from ‘Gao-char’ or ‘cow-grazer’. They are addicted to cattle lifting and bear a bad character for turbulence. The Gujars are the keepers of flocks and herds of cattle, apart from being cultivators. They are of unsettled habits and their favourite haunts are in the jungles of the khadirs of the Jamuna, Hindun and
Ganges, where the rough uncultivated affords them good pasturage for their cattle.” On page 43-44 the book particularly focuses on Gujars of Rajputana: “……Gujars of Rajputana form a numerically large tribe…they are chiefly cattle dealers and breeders……in appearance very similar to Jats…although rather inferior to them in the social scale….the Gujars are intellectually very thick headed and it is very difficult to find among them men of sufficient education, social standing and influence.” “…..these come from the Eastern Rajputana States of Bharatpur, Karauli and Dholpur, the majority being found in a large hilly tract called the ‘Daang’ ……are chiefly employed as herdsmen……..make and sell ghee in bulk……..the inhabitants of these parts are of rather a turbulent and quarrelsome nature. The institution of polyandry and polygamy were very common sometimes back but now with the passage of time it is losing ground. ”
W.Crooke, in his book ‘The Tribes and Castes of N.W.Provinces and
Oudh’, 1896, Vol 2 notes: “they have been noted for their turbulence and habit of cattle stealing. Babar in his Memoirs describes how the commander of the rear guard captured a few Gujar ruffians who followed the camp decapitated them and sent their heads to the Emperor. Dowson says that the Gujars of Pali and Pahal became exceedingly andacious while Shershah was fortifying
Delhi, so he marched to the Hills and expelled them so that “not a vestige of their habitations was left.” Jahangir remarks that the Gujars live chiefly on milk and curds, and in his autobiography ‘Tuzak-i-Babari’, Babur writes: “Every time that I have entered Hindustan, the Gujars have regularly poured down in prodigious numbers from their hills and wild, in order to carry off oxen and buffalo. These were the wretches that really inflicted the chief hardships, and were guilty of the severest oppression in the country. These districts in former times, had been in a state of revolt, and yielded very little revenue that could be come out. On the present occasion when I had reduced the whole of the neighboring districts to subjections they began to repeat the practices.” In the freedom struggle of 1857, the Gujars played a prominent part making numerous assaults and seriously impeding the operations of the British Army before Delhi.” In her book titled “Against History, Against State”, Dr Shail Mayaram, Senior Fellow at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, New Delhi has categorically cited that: “Gujars and Meos from villages in Alwar and the neighbouring British provinces are said to have given trouble “by their rebellions and predatory habits”. (…) A special British force had to be placed on the Khairagarh border to guard against their incursions and those of the Bharatpur Gujars. (….) Her territory was overrun with our mutinous soldiery; the infection spread to her own troops and her Gujar and Mewatie population were not slow to follow the example of their brethren in our rebellious provinces.”*The role of kinship was significant in spreading the revolt.” (*Source: General Lawrence and Lieutenant Newal, Narrative of Mutiny in Rajputana, 1858-59, RA, 34 Mutiny, 1858-59, 19.) “……Watson and Kaye sum up the administrative perspective when they remark that “in the Mutiny and rebellions in some districts especially around Agra they (Meos) were more trouble-some than the Gujars……”* (*Watson and Kaye, “Mewatees”in the People of India, vol. 4, entry 202)
Further in various reports on the Census of British India from 1881 to 1901 following introductory remarks have been given about Gujars by different British Scholars: “…the Gujars a cattle –lifting race of northern India, now fast becoming as good at agriculture as they were and still are ready as raiders…..throughout the Salt range tract, and probably under the eastern hills also, they are the oldest inhabitants among the tribes now settled there…true Gujar herdsmen are found in great numbers…here they are a purely pastoral and almost nomad race….and it may be said that the Gujar is a cultivator only in the plains. Even there he is a bad cultivator, and more given to keeping cattle than to following the plough…... He is lazy to a degree, and a wretched cultivator; his women, though not secluded, will not do field-work save of the lightest kind; while his fondness for cattle extends to those of other people…..the Gujars have been turbulent throughout the history of the Punjab, they were a constant thorn in the side of the Delhi emperors, and are still ever ready to take advantage of any loosening of the bonds of discipline to attach and plunder their neighbors…Mr Brandreth describes them as “unwilling cultivators, and greatly addicted to thieving,” and gives instances of their criminal propensities. Thus it would appear that the further the Gujar moves from his native hills the more he deteriorates and the more unpleasant he makes himself to his neighbors. (Source: W.Chichele Plowden, (1883), Report on the Census of British India taken on the 17th February 1881, London, Eyre and Spottiswoode, p.282). “…..The Gujar is another northern tribe….it is composed of varied elements. In the
Punjab it is mainly agricultural, though it tends towards cattle grazing in the southern plains. Elsewhere in India the title generally implies the latter occupation….” (Source: Jervoise Athelstane Baines, (1893), General report on the Census of India, 1891, London, Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, p.191).
As per racial classification of Indian tribes, Gujars have been grouped under the category of Caucasoid along with other pastoral and cattle breeder type communities such as Toda, Rebari, and Bakarwal etc. The tribes in
India are derived from four racial groups (Singh, 1994:4):
The Negrito the great Andamanese,the Onges and the Jarawas
Proto-Austroloid the Munda,the Oreaon and Gond
Mongoloid the tribes of North-East
Caucasoid the Toda,the Rabari and Gujar
(Source: A research study report on migrant tribal woman, Submitted to Planning Commission, Government of India)
It is relevant to mention here that at an International workshop on Animal and Plant Genetic Resources in Agriculture at the Biosphere Reserve Schorfheide-Chorin, Germany on 16-18 May 2000, in a presentation ‘Indegenous Institutions For Managing Livestock Genetic Diversity in Rajasthan’ by Hanwant Singh Rathore (Lokhit Pashu-Palak Sansthan) " League for Pastoral Peoples, the Gujars have been described as a community which is specialized pastoralists.
As per Ravindra Kaur, Associate professor, department of humanities and social sciences,IIT Delhi ,in the early 20th century, the Gujars of plain area together with backward castes such as Yadavs and Jats, attempted upward mobility by claiming Kshatriya status.
According to Dr. Shail Mayaram, Professor and Senior Fellow, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), the Gujars were treated as ‘shudra’ group in the Mugal period and subjected to a differential system of revenue assessment by the much –expanded Jaipur kingdom. In eastern Rajasthan, Brahmins paid 12 %, Rajputs 33% and raiyati groups such as Gujars, Jats, Meenas and others up to 76% of the produce.
It is relevant to add here that as per genetic study and anthropometric measurements conducted by Dr.R.S.Balgir, Deputy Director “Head, Division of Human Genetics, Regional Medical Research Centre, Bhubaneshwar, Orissa on Hindu and Muslim Gujars of North-Western India, they have common ethnic origin but they have developed biological and regional diversity also .The magnitude of intra group diversity varies depending upon the physical distance between the two groups. According to Dr.Balgir the plausible explanation for their diversity is geographical dispersal in diverse habitats, the inflow of genes from Islamic invaders as well as non Islamic surrounding population, the inbreeding effect, founder effect, genetic drift, breeding isolation and not to secular trends. The computed genetic distance matrix shows diversity of Ahirs with the Gujars.This shows that Gujars are different from other communities such as Yadavs or Ahirs.
When the mutiny broke out in 1857 against British Raj, Gujars were amongst the most energetic rebels(refer/source: Imperial Gazeteer of India); as a result, they had their share of hangings and dispossession, and earned their place in the 1871 list of criminal tribes along with 198 castes viz. Pardhis, Sansi,Bawarias,Kanjars and Chokidar –Meena etc. Most of these communities were nomadic or semi nomadic. Subsequently they were “denotified” in 1952, five years after independence. But somehow whereas all the divisions of Mina community were included in Scheduled Tribe category in 1955, Gujars were not given ANY STATUS……..! Ravindra Kaur, associate professor, department of humanities and social Sciences,I I T Delhi categorically defends: if Mina can be classified as a tribe, there is no logical reason why the Gujars, who can lay claim to be semi nomadic and pastoral community, should not .
As per the book titled ‘The Scheduled Tribes’ People of India, National Series-Vol iii, Anthropological Survey of India, the Gujars of Jammu and Kashmir are divided into two sections on the basis of their occupation –the Jamindar and Dodhi.The primary occupation of the Jamindar Gujar is agriculture supported by animal husbandry. The Dodhi Gujar practice pastoral nomadism. Both the groups were given Scheduled Tribe status in 1991.Similarly in Himachal Pradesh, Gujars of all the districts have been given ST status. In Uttarakhand Gujars are found in the Rajaji National park who are semi nomadic and rear buffalos for their livelihood. The Uttar Pradesh Government has already recommended ST status to the (van)Gujars of Rajaji National Park way back in 1994. The term ‘Van Gujar’ has been created artificially by some scholars. Accordingly the so called Van Gujars of Rajaji ational Park are similar to the Gujars of Rajasthan settled in and around National Parks of Sariska(Alwar) and Ranthambor(Sawai- madhopur) and who are proposed to be displaced or “rehabilitated” from the tiger reserve to save the tigers. It is thus an accident and mockery of history that Minas a comparatively prosperous and landlord agriculturists community of Rajasthan (who share most of the social, physical and geographical characters with Gujars) are a scheduled tribe for more then 50 years and Gujars are not. Minas did the right crimes in the 19th century to earn their place in the fortunate category of tribes; Gujars somehow fell through the cracks of history. This is no justice; it is sheer chance.
The Gujjars of Rajasthan are predominantly rural, pastoral and semi agriculturist community whose traditional and primary occupation is selling milk and milk products. They rear mainly cows, buffalo, goats and sheep. Gujar children start working in their lands and attend to milk animals by the age of s 12 years instead of attending school for further studies.
All spheres of life of Gujjars in Rajasthan exhibits primitive traits be it marriage pattern, social organization, culture, economy, medicinal system, religion, customs, traditions, dresses, ornaments, dwellings, food, domestic effects, education, health etc. Their customs and traditions are in crude form. They follow simple pre machine economy. They have unsophisticated rituals and social customs. There are no signs of advancement or impact of modern life in most of the villages inhabited by Gujjars.The Gujars lead a technologically simple life in close harmony with its natural environment.
Social Backwardness: In Gujars child marriage, polyandry, naata pratha(widow marriage), aata-saata are very common. They also organize large scale ‘mritu-bhoj’ or ‘nukta’. Their most of the disputes are settled by their caste council or nyat punchayat. Their agriculture is of inferior technology with ancient tools. Even the animal husbandry practices are very basic. They generally do not believe in modern medicinal system. Instead they believe in ‘jhaad-phoonk’ by the ‘gothiya’ and rituals of lok-devtas. Their literacy rate is very low. Their attitude towards formal education is not positive. Accordingly Gujar continue to be a deprived and under developed lot of the society who is still living in nearly primitive stage and is cut off from the mainstream civilization.
The Gujar and the Meena community of Rajasthan share most of the physical, geographical, social and cultural characteristics. The only difference is that Meenas are distributed in the plain fertile area and are traditionally good agriculturist whereas Gujar inhabit the hilly, forested and daang area, cut off from the main stream and thriving mainly on animal husbandry. The traditional occupation followed by Gujars is pastoralism, which make them even more eligible to be classified as a scheduled tribe. Their social customs, culture and distinctive life style is nearly primitive. The Gujjars are very backward socially, economically and educationally. Most of them are illiterate and uncivilized even after 60 years of independence. Their representation in higher studies, professional courses and Government jobs is negligible.
It is worthwhile to note here that at a symposium held in August, 2005 on the proposed bill recognizing tribals rights on forest lands one of the participant Sh Goverdhan Rathore, Executive Director, Prakritik Society, Sherpur-khiljipur, Sawai-madhopur in his paper titled ‘Tigers and Tribes’ mentioned the condition of Gujars inhabiting the National park: “When I first came to Ranthambhore in 1971 with my father. (…) Any other land that was left was over-grazed by cattle belonging to the Gujar tribe who lived in the park. (…)To the outside world, the Gujar tribe lived an idyllic life. No electricity, no access to modern medicine. Mortality of every kind was high; population growth was high as was child marriage and having many children was the norm .Yet it seemed idyllic because they lived a frugal existence, living off the land, thriving on animal husbandry and subsistence farming . There is a common joke about their simplicity –once a Gujar from the villages of Ranthambhore caught a train and took his shoes off when he boarded the train. He was surprised not to find them at the next station. It is this simplicity that makes it possible for everyone to exploit these people. The Gujars are not traditionally agricultural tribe, so the little agriculture they did was poorly managed and yielded a below average crop. Animal husbandry was the mainstay of their income. The need to sell milk forced them to interact with traders in town. Being a simple, illiterate tribe they were invariably cheated by the traders. Being totally illiterate meant that even their animal rearing practices were very basic and as such could never really achieve the true potential of the business itself. As their own population grew they need more land and more cattle to meet even their basic survival needs. In 1976, with the park having come under Project Tiger, a resettlement programme was a launched and 13 village convinced to relocate. There is no doubt in my mind that had the resettlement of the Gujar tribe not taken place, the tiger and its habitat would by now have disappeared as it has in the neighboring Sawai Mansingh and Karauli Tiger Reserves. We completely disagree with the argument that local tribes will better manage the protected areas only because they are tribals. Before we hand over protected areas to tribal people we need to ask ourselves: How do we describe tribals and what is tribal life? True, tribal cultures existed for centuries in harmony with their local environment because they continued to live primitive lives that had their own natural checks and balances. Poor medical care meant that population growth was always kept in check by nature which would intervene in the form of plagues and diseases. Life expectancy was low. Child marriage, multiple births, witchcraft, polygamy and so on, was the norm. Education, immunization, birth control, modern medicine, electricity and other benefits of modern development never reached them. Once the modern world touches tribal life, the entire natural balance of tribal culture is destroyed and with it the sustainability of tribal culture vanishes.”
In the cover story ‘Survival at stake’ of national magazine ‘Frontline’ volume 23-issue 26:: Dec.30,2006 to Jan.12,2007from the publishers of The Hindu daily on the forest rights legislation, a report on the Gujars inhabited in the core area of Sariska Tiger Reserve titled as Nature vs. people by T.K.Rajlakshmi was published: “Ever since the disappearance of the tiger population from Sariska, almost all the forest-dwelling Gujar families have come under pressure to move out of the forest. Eleven villages in the reserve area will be relocated in order to restore the tiger habitat. There are 28 villages within Sariska’s 881-square kilometer area and nearly 200 more in the general vicinity of the reserve. The pastoral community has lived in the reserve for generations, content with its frugal lifestyle. The Gujars are now being accused of indiscriminate felling of trees and depletion of forest land, and of indulging in commercial activity by selling milk and milk products outside the reserve.Radha denies her people are making money by selling thickened milk or maava to the towns people.” If that was the case, why would I live in this mud house?” she asks. If the Gujars have benefited from tiger poaching, as is insinuated, there is no evidence of the resulting property in their homes. A vegetarian community, they do not hunt. Two successive drought years wreaked havoc on the ecology of the reserve. Much of the Gujar livestock perished in that period. Contrary to reports that each family has hundred buffalos, not more then 3 or 4 buffalos per family were visible. Some forest officials and wildlife experts argue that the relocation package for the Gujars is reasonable. The package includes six bighas (2.2 acres or .96 hectares) of un irrigated land or 3 bighas of irrigated land, the cost of shifting from the reserve and Rs 40,000 for the construction of a homestead on the land. The Gujars feel the package is not sufficient as they would have no excess to grazing land and their entire lifestyle would change. “If they make it difficult for us to live here, then we will have to go. But it is not right. We had nothing to do with the disappearance of the tiger. Our people have lived with the tiger for centuries”. Jubber said. The Gujars, he (Rajesh Gupta, Deputy Conservator of Forests and Deputy Field Director of Project Tiger) said, were attached to the land but they needed to realize that they were under great hardship, their children were malnourished and they were deprived of education facilities. The wild life act of
India did not permit the construction of pucca house or buildings in the vicinity of the forest. The Gujars have not availed themselves of electricity supplies too as their homesteads are in the core area.”
The Gujars of Rajasthan in general are perceived by other castes as a group involved in small theft of cattle, foodgrains and things of daily life. In areas like Sawai madhopur, Dholpur and Karauli districts most of the ‘Dacoits ‘belong to Gujar community due to various socio-economic and geographical characteristics. Similar situation is found in Bharatpur, Alwar and Harauti region. It is a general folk-say in Rajasthan:
“Mina, Gujar, Kanjar, Kutta,Billi,Bunder, Ye chhe Jaat na hooti, To khol kivadia soti”
(If the six castes i.e. Mina, Gujar, Kanjar and dog, cat and monkey were not there in the universe, she would have slept by opening doors i.e. without any fear).
In another folk say of Rajasthan, the similarity in lifestyle of Gujars and Kanjars has been shown:
“Gujar, Kanjar Ek Mata, Aage Revad laer Kuta”
The meaning of the above is Gujars and Kanjars are of the same type. Gujar always have its herd (revad) with him whereas a Kanjar is always seen with a dog.
These are some other proverbs or folk say about Gujars mentioned by Herbert Risley in his book’The People of India’ which show their social backwardness and perception of other communities about Gujars:
“When you see a Gujar hammer him.”
“You can not tame a hare, or make a friend of a Gujars”
“When all other castes are dead make friends with a Gujar”
“It will remain waste unless a Gujar takes it (said or poor land)”
“A Gujar’s daughter is a box of gold”. (The bride price is high among Gujars).
“A Dom made friends with a Gujar; the Gujar looted his house.
“Sense for a Gujar; a sheath for a harrow (two impossible)
The cultural traits, customs and traditions and the distinctive lifestyle of Gujars of Rajasthan exhibit their social backwardness. One may easily notice a naked Gujar women-taking bath in the open at well. Their overall standard of living is very low. It is relevant to mention here that in a report of ‘Daang’ area published in ‘India Today’ magazine dtd 5th Sept. 2001, the social backwardness of Gujars has been reported which says that in the long tract of approx 1000 kilometer of Daang which include Dholpur, Karauli, Sawai-madhopur and Bharatpur districts, the whole institution of marriage and family has been distorted and corrupted mainly due to polyandry and other socio-economic reasons.
Educational Backwardness: Most Gujar children are involved with their parents in animal husbandry and/or subsistence agriculture. Gujars rank lowest among all the major castes/tribes of Rajasthan in terms of literacy, education in female in particular and higher “professional degree courses in general. The Gujars avoid educating the girls in general because it becomes difficult for the parents to find a suitable match. There are very few educated and Service class Gujar youth at any given period available for marriage .The attitude of Gujars todards formal education is that education makes their boys defiant and insolent and alienates them from the rest of the society. Further the practise of child marriage that is wide spread among Gujars of Rajasthan discourages the boys for further studies. Instead they prefer to earn their livlihood for the new family. Kind attention is also invited to the chapter IX ‘Literacy’ of Census Report of Rajputana, 1931, page No 99, where a table showing literates per 1000 in males and females among 18 major Castes has been given. In this table, Gujars (8 and nil) are at the 14th position i.e. just above the Rebari(6 and nil), Meo(5 and nil), Chamar(4 and nil) and Bhil(1 and nil). In this table, the Gujars are equivalent to Grassia, a Scheduled Tribe, (8 and nil) in the literacy rate but notably they are at lower level from Mina (10 and nil) and Bhangi(11 and 4) .Besides the Gujars are far below then the Other Bacward Classes viz. Kumhar, Khati, Yadav Jats etc.
The representation of Gujars in higher education can be examined by counting number of students belonging to Gujar community studying at University of Rajasthan, Jaipur and in its colleges at Jaipur. The picture that emerges is really shocking: There are only 10-15 students in post graduation courses of university. Further there are only 5 students in Maharaja College. There are only 10-15 students in Rajasthan College and Commerce College.(Note: Jaipur is located almost centrally to the areas, which are having majority of Gujar population). The situation of girls is even worse. There are hardly 8-10 girls in the Maharani College of the university out of approx.4500. The share of Gujars in 1st and 2nd grade services of state and central Government in Rajasthan is almost ‘NIL’ considering their population size i.e. approx. 35-40 lakhs(about 6% of total population of Rajasthan). It is lower then any caste in Rajasthan. The table given below shows representation of Gujars in 1st grade state services after 60 years of independence:
Sr.No Name of Post Total no of Gujars(Direct recruits)
1. Raj.Administration Service 05
2. Raj.Police Service Nil
3. Raj.Accounts Service Nil
4. Raj.Traffic Service Nil
5. Raj. Comm.tax Service 01
6. Raj.Co-operative Service 02
7. Raj. Tourism Service Nil
8. Raj.Jail Service Nil
9. Raj. Industry Service Nil
10. Raj.Forest Service 01
The representation of Gujars of Rajasthan in other Services is as follows:
Sr.No Name of Post Total no of Gujars
1. College Lecturers 20
2. Professors 04
3. Doctors 08
4. Engineers 05
5. Bank P.O 04
6. Insurance(AAO) 02
The picture is more or less similar in all the Government departments.
What they have achieved in 60 years from the system is few posts of fourth classes in some departments, sepoys in army from some specific regions of Dausa and Karauli and few posts of third grade school teachers.
The total representation of Gujars in Central Civil Services recruited through UPSC is 5 out of which 2 have been recruited before implementation of Mandal Commission’s Report. There is only one IAS from the Gujar community of Rajasthan in 60 years. There is nil representation of Gujars of Rajasthan in All India Services like Indian Police Service, Indian Foreign Service, and Indian Forest Service etc. after 60 years of independence. There is not a single Judge in the High Court/Supreme Court from the Gujar community. There are only two Gujars in Rajasthan Judicial Services. The total number of Gujars who have taken MBBS and Engineering degree in 60 years is not more then 30.There are very few Gujars from Rajasthan who have done professional courses like chartered accountant and management (MBA).
Economic Backwardness: As per Census of India, 1931 for Rajputana Agency in chapter XII Race, Tribe and Caste, the following introductory remarks have been given:
“Gujars-The 526,791 Gujars are chiefly found in the eastern part of the Agency (Alwar, Bharatpur, Karauli, Jaipur, Kotah, Bundi"Mewar). Though herdsmen by tradition, they are also extensively engage in agriculture but not, perhaps, with the same degree of skill and patience as Jats and Ahirs.”
The dominant form of sustenance among the Gujars was pastoralism. Nonetheless Gujars response to situations was different as per their ecological surrounding and situations. There was subtle movement of the Gujars towards sedentarisation. This process of sedentarisation of the Gujars continued unabated throughout the medieval period. The commercialization of agriculture, increase in the extent of cultivation and shrinking of grazing grounds and forests were the crucial factors behind this transformation. However, even once they sedentarised to a certain extent, their preference to keep animal husbandry as their main occupation and semi nomadic character, continued to remain an important socio-economic feature of their social system. The Gujars are not traditionally agricultural tribe, so the little agriculture they do is poorly managed and yield a below average crop. The Gujars of Rajasthan are marginal farmers having very small land holdings i.e. 1 to 1.5 acre per family. They follow traditional farming practices with inferior technology. Except a few areas like Bharatpur, they have less fertile land. They do not have proper irrigation facility and mainly depend on seasonal rains. Animal husbandry is the mainstay of their income. The need to sell milk forces them to interact with traders in town. Being a simple, illiterate tribe they are invariably cheated by the traders. Being totally illiterate meant that even their animal rearing practices are very basic and as such could never really achieve the true potential of the business itself.
The Gujars of Rajasthan also rear herd of goat and sheep which are known as revad .The herd at night is kept in a surrounding prepared by dry vegetation (bada) and wood. At least one or two members of the family are engaged in looking after the herd that stay with the herd all the time. Gujars have intimate social relationship with their livestock. They consider their animals as fellow creatures and essential partner in the struggle for life. They explain illness amongst livestock due to evil forces or the violation of taboo. In such a situation Gujars take help of the Gothiya or the Bhomiya after he has induced a state of trance.
There is hardly any shop of any kind owned by a person belonging to Gujar community in the market of most of the towns which are surrounded by thick population of rural Gujars. This shows that their representation in trade and commerce is also ‘Nil’.
Conclusion: The Gujar and the Meena community share most of the characteristics. They are inhabited in the same geographical area; by and large follow same marriage patterns, folk dance and songs, customs, culture, life style etc. The only difference is that Meena are distributed in the plain fertile area and are traditionally good agriculturist whereas Gujar inhabit the hilly, forested and daang area, cut off from the main stream and thriving mainly on animal husbandry. The traditional occupation followed by Gujars is pastoralism, which make them even more eligible to be classified as a scheduled tribe. Their social customs, culture and distinctive life style is nearly primitive. The Gujars are very backward socially, economically and educationally. Most of them are illiterate and uncivilized even after 60 years of independence. There representation in higher studies, professional courses and Government jobs is negligible.
Accordingly it will be justice, though delayed, if the genuine claim of the Gujar community for inclusion in the scheduled tribe list of Rajasthan is considered symphethetically and positively.
Referances / Sources:1. The book titled ‘Tribal India’ by Nadeem Hasnain.
2. “Gojri and its relation with Rajasthani” An article written by J.C.Sharma in ‘Language in
India’ Volume 2:2, 2 Aprail, 2002
3. “Writing Gojri” A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University Of North Dakota.
4. ‘Image of the Barbarian’ 7th chapter of the book titled ‘Ancient Indian Social History-Some Interpretations’by Romila Thaper.
5. The book titled ‘Against History against State’ by Shail Mayaram.
6. ‘Genetics of Castes and Tribes of India’ A Study report by M.K.Bhasin, Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi.
7. A Research study report on ‘Migrant tribal woman’ submitted to Planning Commission, Govt of India.
8.Research studies conducted by Dr.R.S.Balgir, Deputy Director " Head, Devision of Human Genetics, Regional Medical Research Centre, Bhubaneshwar.
9.Article ‘Historical neglect’ published in national daily Hindustan Times’by Shail Mayaram, Professor " Senior fellow, CSDS.
10.Article ‘Caste, Tribe and the politics of reservation’published in national daily Hindu by Shail Mayaram, Professor " Senior Fello, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies,New Delhi.
11.The book titled ‘Dishnoured by History: Criminal Tribes " British Colonial Policy by Dr Radhakrishna and a report on the book in the issue of national daily Hindi dtd. July 16, 2000.
12.The book titled ‘Branded by Law: Looking at India, s Denotofied Tribes by Dilip D’Souza and a report on the book in the issue of national magazine ‘Frontline dtd. December 07-20,2002.
13.The Scheduled Tribes’ People of India’ National Series –Vol.iii,Anthropological Survey of
India by K.S.Singh.
14. 27th Report of Standing Committee On Labour and Welfare (2002) on The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Orders (Second Amendment) Bill, 2002
15. A report namely ‘Now Pahari community…..published in national daily ‘Hindu’on dtd June 06, 2007.
16. The book titled ‘People of India’State Series-Rajasthan, Anhropological Survey of
India by K.S.Singh.
17. The book titled ‘Tribes " Castes of North-western India’by William Crooke.
18. The legend of Devnarayan and phad tradition by www.ignca.gov.in
19. Study report ‘Tigers and Tribes’ submitted in the symposium held in August, 2005 on the bill ‘Tribal Rights on
Forest land’.
20. A report ‘Nature vs. people’ published in Cover story ‘Survival at stake’of national magazine ‘Frontline’on the forest rights legislation.
21. The book titled ‘People of India’ by Herbert Risley.
22. Issue of national magazine ‘India Today’ dtd 5th Sept.2001.
23. Census of India, 1931 for Rajputana Agency, Chapter XII-Race,Tribe and Caste.
24. Imperial Gazetteer ofIndia-Provincial series-Rajputana vol. 11, page 325; vol.21, page 114, vol 17 page 314.
25. The book titled “Growth of Scheduled Castes and Tribes in Medieval India”, by Dr. K.S.Lal, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 1995.
26. The book titled “JATS " GUJARS”, 1899, by British writer A.H.Bingley.
27. Various reports on the Census of British India from 1881 to 1901.
As per Linguistic survey of India conducted by Dr George Grierson (1916), Gojri is a dialect of Rajasthani and is closer to Mewati and shows resemblance to Mewari. The linguistic survey of India conducted by Grierson has been the basis for the classification of Gojri as a dialect of Rajasthani in the old census reports. This makes one believe that at some point of time these people must have been in contact with the Rajasthani speakers. The Gojri speakers, along with many more ethnic Gujars of the plains who no longer speak Gojri, are the descendants of the ancient Gujars. Now a days Gojri speaking Gujars include nomadic pastoralists who herd sheep and goats or dairy buffalo as well as settled and semi settled agriculturists.
These socio-economic, occupational and cultural characteristics strengthen the view that all Gujars belong to a common ethnic group. As per the recent interpretation based on study of copper and stone inscriptions, literature of foreign travelers, Gujars were indigenous or original inhabitants of North- Western India who used to roam with their flocks of sheep, goats and cattle in search of green pastures on high altitudes.
In the 7th chapter ‘Image of the Barbarian’ of her book titled “Ancient Indian Social History-Some Interpretations” renowned historian Romila Thaper mentions that the term ‘mleccha’ was being used in ancient India (before invasion by Muslims) to describe the barbarian or indigenous inhabitants of northern India at the time of the arrival of the Aryan –speaking people. It is pertinent to mention here that since Gujars were traditional herdsman whose traditional occupation was animal husbandry; they cannot be classified as vaisya (trader) or sudras (cultivator). Their occupation i.e. cattle rearing is also considered as polluting .An essential difference between the Arya and the mleccha was that the latter did not confirm to the law of varna.The mleccha did not follow the dharma of the sastras .The mleccha appear to have had their own customary laws and functioned within the framework of these. In view of the above discussion the Gujars may only be described as mleccha i.e. a barbarian pastoral tribe of indigenous origin who were not generally included into the traditional Hindu caste hierarchy or ‘varna vyavastha’.
Subsequently the mleccha acquired political power and a new concept was necessary. The attitude towards these indigenous tribes was beginning to change and this is reflected partially in the genesis myths associated with their origin. A ninth-century inscription mentions the mleccha along the Chambal river valley. This valley has remained through out Indian history the main route from the Ganges valley to northwestern Deccan and a major centre of dacoity to this day. Perhaps the plundering of caravans was too lucrative for the area to develop any other substantial economy. (The Gujar community largely inhabits the Chambal valley and its adjoining areas in Rajasthan and even today most of the dacoits of the region belong to the Gujar community).
From the 9th century A.D. political power moved more recognizably into the hands of the erstwhile feudatories and the recipients of land grants. The new feudatories in turn became independent kings, granted land and revenue in lieu of salaries to learned Brahmans for the acquisition of religious merit. The return on the part of the Brahman may have been the fabrication of a genealogy for the new ruler. The legal sanction of the grant was generally recorded in an inscription in stone or on plates of copper, and the preamble to the grant contained the genealogy of the kings. The remarkable fact of these genealogies is that most kings claim full ksatriya status on the basis of a genealogical connection with the ancient royal families, the Suryavamsa (Solar lineage) and the Chandravamsa (Lunar lineage). What is even more significant is that most of these families are found on examination to be at least partially if not wholly of non-Aryan origin. Thus instead of being described as mleccha kings, they claim ksatriya status and have had genealogies fabricated to prove the claim. Romila Thaper emphasizes that the kings of this period, some of whom coming from mleccha stock such as the Gonds and Gujars, were willingly accorded ksatriya status. Accordingly it goes without saying that initially Gujars were a nomadic pastoral tribe belonging to mleccha stock and thus they were outside the varna system of civilized Hindu society.
The advantage of the fabricated genealogy was that mleccha antecedents were soon overlooked or forgotten, particularly in those areas where the mleccha had become more powerful. In a 9th century inscription of a Calukya feudatory of the Pratihar king great pride is taken in ‘freeing the earth from the Huna people’. The Pratihar’s claim to descent from Laksmana, the younger brother of Rama who acted as a doorkeeper (pratihar) is very suspicious or in other words fabricated. Marriage alliances and the process of Sanskritization broke the kinship barrier and mleccha rulers became patrons of Sanskrit learning and culture, so that they were as good as aryas for all practical purposes.
Simultaneously since Gujars’ resistance was most determined, localized, and sharper to the invaders i.e. Sultanate and Mugal Empire; they were subjected to greater repression. The Gujars who fought the invaders had to take refuge in inaccessible forests and mountains; they had to flee to ravines like those of Chambal. This cruel cycle of resistance, flight to forests, the subhuman existence there, forays to harass and beat back the conquerors, flight back into the forests – lasted a thousand years. Again Gujars participated at large in agrarian revolts in the 17th and early 18th centuries in the areas of Braj, Mewat, Ajmer and Ranthambhor. Entire villages refused to pay land revenue, plundered highways and looted traders. Gujars also took part in the mutiny of 1857 against the British Raj and as a result they were labeled as “Criminal Tribes”. They were dispossessed, exploited and marginalized.
In support of the above contention, renowned historian Dr. K.S.Lal in his important work, “Growth of Scheduled Castes and Tribes in Medieval India”, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 1995 has noted that: “…thereafter and right to the end of Islamic rule, far from welcoming Islamic conquerors as liberators, the ‘lower castes’ and ‘Tribes’- Meo, Bachgoti, Baghela, Barwaris, Gonds, Gujars, Jats, Bhils, Satnamis, Oraons, Mina, Kunbis, “Shudras”- are the ones that put up the most determined resistance to the invaders.”
As a result of it the history of Gujars has been one of migration, nomadic pastoralism, semi sedentarization (semi settled agriculturist), exploitation, displacement and dispossession and marginalization. The reasons of their present day condition may also be attributed to this background to a certain extent.
Gujars were also represented as notorious highway robbers involved in loot and plunder by the contemporary historians. Their habitat viz difficult terrain, dense forests, hilly areas and ravines of rivers provided them easy route to escape. The chief reason behind these constant raids and plunder were their ‘non-pastoral requirements’ (food grains, cloth etc.).
As per Imperial Gazetteer of India-Provincial series-Rajputana vol. 11, page 325; vol.21, page 114, vol 17 page 314, “the Gujars are mostly cattle breeders and dealers….they were formerly noted cattle lifters but now give little trouble….As recently as 1897 the Gujars were notorious for their raids into Gwalior and Karauli……in the mutiny they (Meo) and the Gujars were conspicuous for their readiness to take advantage of disorder in Mewat."
In the book titled “JATS "GUJARS”, published in 1899, British writer A.H.Bingley throws some light on the Gujars of North-Western India and provides some valuable information in the following paragraphs: “The name Gujar is locally derived from ‘Gao-char’ or ‘cow-grazer’. They are addicted to cattle lifting and bear a bad character for turbulence. The Gujars are the keepers of flocks and herds of cattle, apart from being cultivators. They are of unsettled habits and their favourite haunts are in the jungles of the khadirs of the Jamuna, Hindun and
Ganges, where the rough uncultivated affords them good pasturage for their cattle.” On page 43-44 the book particularly focuses on Gujars of Rajputana: “……Gujars of Rajputana form a numerically large tribe…they are chiefly cattle dealers and breeders……in appearance very similar to Jats…although rather inferior to them in the social scale….the Gujars are intellectually very thick headed and it is very difficult to find among them men of sufficient education, social standing and influence.” “…..these come from the Eastern Rajputana States of Bharatpur, Karauli and Dholpur, the majority being found in a large hilly tract called the ‘Daang’ ……are chiefly employed as herdsmen……..make and sell ghee in bulk……..the inhabitants of these parts are of rather a turbulent and quarrelsome nature. The institution of polyandry and polygamy were very common sometimes back but now with the passage of time it is losing ground. ”
W.Crooke, in his book ‘The Tribes and Castes of N.W.Provinces and
Oudh’, 1896, Vol 2 notes: “they have been noted for their turbulence and habit of cattle stealing. Babar in his Memoirs describes how the commander of the rear guard captured a few Gujar ruffians who followed the camp decapitated them and sent their heads to the Emperor. Dowson says that the Gujars of Pali and Pahal became exceedingly andacious while Shershah was fortifying
Delhi, so he marched to the Hills and expelled them so that “not a vestige of their habitations was left.” Jahangir remarks that the Gujars live chiefly on milk and curds, and in his autobiography ‘Tuzak-i-Babari’, Babur writes: “Every time that I have entered Hindustan, the Gujars have regularly poured down in prodigious numbers from their hills and wild, in order to carry off oxen and buffalo. These were the wretches that really inflicted the chief hardships, and were guilty of the severest oppression in the country. These districts in former times, had been in a state of revolt, and yielded very little revenue that could be come out. On the present occasion when I had reduced the whole of the neighboring districts to subjections they began to repeat the practices.” In the freedom struggle of 1857, the Gujars played a prominent part making numerous assaults and seriously impeding the operations of the British Army before Delhi.” In her book titled “Against History, Against State”, Dr Shail Mayaram, Senior Fellow at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, New Delhi has categorically cited that: “Gujars and Meos from villages in Alwar and the neighbouring British provinces are said to have given trouble “by their rebellions and predatory habits”. (…) A special British force had to be placed on the Khairagarh border to guard against their incursions and those of the Bharatpur Gujars. (….) Her territory was overrun with our mutinous soldiery; the infection spread to her own troops and her Gujar and Mewatie population were not slow to follow the example of their brethren in our rebellious provinces.”*The role of kinship was significant in spreading the revolt.” (*Source: General Lawrence and Lieutenant Newal, Narrative of Mutiny in Rajputana, 1858-59, RA, 34 Mutiny, 1858-59, 19.) “……Watson and Kaye sum up the administrative perspective when they remark that “in the Mutiny and rebellions in some districts especially around Agra they (Meos) were more trouble-some than the Gujars……”* (*Watson and Kaye, “Mewatees”in the People of India, vol. 4, entry 202)
Further in various reports on the Census of British India from 1881 to 1901 following introductory remarks have been given about Gujars by different British Scholars: “…the Gujars a cattle –lifting race of northern India, now fast becoming as good at agriculture as they were and still are ready as raiders…..throughout the Salt range tract, and probably under the eastern hills also, they are the oldest inhabitants among the tribes now settled there…true Gujar herdsmen are found in great numbers…here they are a purely pastoral and almost nomad race….and it may be said that the Gujar is a cultivator only in the plains. Even there he is a bad cultivator, and more given to keeping cattle than to following the plough…... He is lazy to a degree, and a wretched cultivator; his women, though not secluded, will not do field-work save of the lightest kind; while his fondness for cattle extends to those of other people…..the Gujars have been turbulent throughout the history of the Punjab, they were a constant thorn in the side of the Delhi emperors, and are still ever ready to take advantage of any loosening of the bonds of discipline to attach and plunder their neighbors…Mr Brandreth describes them as “unwilling cultivators, and greatly addicted to thieving,” and gives instances of their criminal propensities. Thus it would appear that the further the Gujar moves from his native hills the more he deteriorates and the more unpleasant he makes himself to his neighbors. (Source: W.Chichele Plowden, (1883), Report on the Census of British India taken on the 17th February 1881, London, Eyre and Spottiswoode, p.282). “…..The Gujar is another northern tribe….it is composed of varied elements. In the
Punjab it is mainly agricultural, though it tends towards cattle grazing in the southern plains. Elsewhere in India the title generally implies the latter occupation….” (Source: Jervoise Athelstane Baines, (1893), General report on the Census of India, 1891, London, Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, p.191).
As per racial classification of Indian tribes, Gujars have been grouped under the category of Caucasoid along with other pastoral and cattle breeder type communities such as Toda, Rebari, and Bakarwal etc. The tribes in
India are derived from four racial groups (Singh, 1994:4):
The Negrito the great Andamanese,the Onges and the Jarawas
Proto-Austroloid the Munda,the Oreaon and Gond
Mongoloid the tribes of North-East
Caucasoid the Toda,the Rabari and Gujar
(Source: A research study report on migrant tribal woman, Submitted to Planning Commission, Government of India)
It is relevant to mention here that at an International workshop on Animal and Plant Genetic Resources in Agriculture at the Biosphere Reserve Schorfheide-Chorin, Germany on 16-18 May 2000, in a presentation ‘Indegenous Institutions For Managing Livestock Genetic Diversity in Rajasthan’ by Hanwant Singh Rathore (Lokhit Pashu-Palak Sansthan) " League for Pastoral Peoples, the Gujars have been described as a community which is specialized pastoralists.
As per Ravindra Kaur, Associate professor, department of humanities and social sciences,IIT Delhi ,in the early 20th century, the Gujars of plain area together with backward castes such as Yadavs and Jats, attempted upward mobility by claiming Kshatriya status.
According to Dr. Shail Mayaram, Professor and Senior Fellow, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), the Gujars were treated as ‘shudra’ group in the Mugal period and subjected to a differential system of revenue assessment by the much –expanded Jaipur kingdom. In eastern Rajasthan, Brahmins paid 12 %, Rajputs 33% and raiyati groups such as Gujars, Jats, Meenas and others up to 76% of the produce.
It is relevant to add here that as per genetic study and anthropometric measurements conducted by Dr.R.S.Balgir, Deputy Director “Head, Division of Human Genetics, Regional Medical Research Centre, Bhubaneshwar, Orissa on Hindu and Muslim Gujars of North-Western India, they have common ethnic origin but they have developed biological and regional diversity also .The magnitude of intra group diversity varies depending upon the physical distance between the two groups. According to Dr.Balgir the plausible explanation for their diversity is geographical dispersal in diverse habitats, the inflow of genes from Islamic invaders as well as non Islamic surrounding population, the inbreeding effect, founder effect, genetic drift, breeding isolation and not to secular trends. The computed genetic distance matrix shows diversity of Ahirs with the Gujars.This shows that Gujars are different from other communities such as Yadavs or Ahirs.
When the mutiny broke out in 1857 against British Raj, Gujars were amongst the most energetic rebels(refer/source: Imperial Gazeteer of India); as a result, they had their share of hangings and dispossession, and earned their place in the 1871 list of criminal tribes along with 198 castes viz. Pardhis, Sansi,Bawarias,Kanjars and Chokidar –Meena etc. Most of these communities were nomadic or semi nomadic. Subsequently they were “denotified” in 1952, five years after independence. But somehow whereas all the divisions of Mina community were included in Scheduled Tribe category in 1955, Gujars were not given ANY STATUS……..! Ravindra Kaur, associate professor, department of humanities and social Sciences,I I T Delhi categorically defends: if Mina can be classified as a tribe, there is no logical reason why the Gujars, who can lay claim to be semi nomadic and pastoral community, should not .
As per the book titled ‘The Scheduled Tribes’ People of India, National Series-Vol iii, Anthropological Survey of India, the Gujars of Jammu and Kashmir are divided into two sections on the basis of their occupation –the Jamindar and Dodhi.The primary occupation of the Jamindar Gujar is agriculture supported by animal husbandry. The Dodhi Gujar practice pastoral nomadism. Both the groups were given Scheduled Tribe status in 1991.Similarly in Himachal Pradesh, Gujars of all the districts have been given ST status. In Uttarakhand Gujars are found in the Rajaji National park who are semi nomadic and rear buffalos for their livelihood. The Uttar Pradesh Government has already recommended ST status to the (van)Gujars of Rajaji National Park way back in 1994. The term ‘Van Gujar’ has been created artificially by some scholars. Accordingly the so called Van Gujars of Rajaji ational Park are similar to the Gujars of Rajasthan settled in and around National Parks of Sariska(Alwar) and Ranthambor(Sawai- madhopur) and who are proposed to be displaced or “rehabilitated” from the tiger reserve to save the tigers. It is thus an accident and mockery of history that Minas a comparatively prosperous and landlord agriculturists community of Rajasthan (who share most of the social, physical and geographical characters with Gujars) are a scheduled tribe for more then 50 years and Gujars are not. Minas did the right crimes in the 19th century to earn their place in the fortunate category of tribes; Gujars somehow fell through the cracks of history. This is no justice; it is sheer chance.
The Gujjars of Rajasthan are predominantly rural, pastoral and semi agriculturist community whose traditional and primary occupation is selling milk and milk products. They rear mainly cows, buffalo, goats and sheep. Gujar children start working in their lands and attend to milk animals by the age of s 12 years instead of attending school for further studies.
All spheres of life of Gujjars in Rajasthan exhibits primitive traits be it marriage pattern, social organization, culture, economy, medicinal system, religion, customs, traditions, dresses, ornaments, dwellings, food, domestic effects, education, health etc. Their customs and traditions are in crude form. They follow simple pre machine economy. They have unsophisticated rituals and social customs. There are no signs of advancement or impact of modern life in most of the villages inhabited by Gujjars.The Gujars lead a technologically simple life in close harmony with its natural environment.
Social Backwardness: In Gujars child marriage, polyandry, naata pratha(widow marriage), aata-saata are very common. They also organize large scale ‘mritu-bhoj’ or ‘nukta’. Their most of the disputes are settled by their caste council or nyat punchayat. Their agriculture is of inferior technology with ancient tools. Even the animal husbandry practices are very basic. They generally do not believe in modern medicinal system. Instead they believe in ‘jhaad-phoonk’ by the ‘gothiya’ and rituals of lok-devtas. Their literacy rate is very low. Their attitude towards formal education is not positive. Accordingly Gujar continue to be a deprived and under developed lot of the society who is still living in nearly primitive stage and is cut off from the mainstream civilization.
The Gujar and the Meena community of Rajasthan share most of the physical, geographical, social and cultural characteristics. The only difference is that Meenas are distributed in the plain fertile area and are traditionally good agriculturist whereas Gujar inhabit the hilly, forested and daang area, cut off from the main stream and thriving mainly on animal husbandry. The traditional occupation followed by Gujars is pastoralism, which make them even more eligible to be classified as a scheduled tribe. Their social customs, culture and distinctive life style is nearly primitive. The Gujjars are very backward socially, economically and educationally. Most of them are illiterate and uncivilized even after 60 years of independence. Their representation in higher studies, professional courses and Government jobs is negligible.
It is worthwhile to note here that at a symposium held in August, 2005 on the proposed bill recognizing tribals rights on forest lands one of the participant Sh Goverdhan Rathore, Executive Director, Prakritik Society, Sherpur-khiljipur, Sawai-madhopur in his paper titled ‘Tigers and Tribes’ mentioned the condition of Gujars inhabiting the National park: “When I first came to Ranthambhore in 1971 with my father. (…) Any other land that was left was over-grazed by cattle belonging to the Gujar tribe who lived in the park. (…)To the outside world, the Gujar tribe lived an idyllic life. No electricity, no access to modern medicine. Mortality of every kind was high; population growth was high as was child marriage and having many children was the norm .Yet it seemed idyllic because they lived a frugal existence, living off the land, thriving on animal husbandry and subsistence farming . There is a common joke about their simplicity –once a Gujar from the villages of Ranthambhore caught a train and took his shoes off when he boarded the train. He was surprised not to find them at the next station. It is this simplicity that makes it possible for everyone to exploit these people. The Gujars are not traditionally agricultural tribe, so the little agriculture they did was poorly managed and yielded a below average crop. Animal husbandry was the mainstay of their income. The need to sell milk forced them to interact with traders in town. Being a simple, illiterate tribe they were invariably cheated by the traders. Being totally illiterate meant that even their animal rearing practices were very basic and as such could never really achieve the true potential of the business itself. As their own population grew they need more land and more cattle to meet even their basic survival needs. In 1976, with the park having come under Project Tiger, a resettlement programme was a launched and 13 village convinced to relocate. There is no doubt in my mind that had the resettlement of the Gujar tribe not taken place, the tiger and its habitat would by now have disappeared as it has in the neighboring Sawai Mansingh and Karauli Tiger Reserves. We completely disagree with the argument that local tribes will better manage the protected areas only because they are tribals. Before we hand over protected areas to tribal people we need to ask ourselves: How do we describe tribals and what is tribal life? True, tribal cultures existed for centuries in harmony with their local environment because they continued to live primitive lives that had their own natural checks and balances. Poor medical care meant that population growth was always kept in check by nature which would intervene in the form of plagues and diseases. Life expectancy was low. Child marriage, multiple births, witchcraft, polygamy and so on, was the norm. Education, immunization, birth control, modern medicine, electricity and other benefits of modern development never reached them. Once the modern world touches tribal life, the entire natural balance of tribal culture is destroyed and with it the sustainability of tribal culture vanishes.”
In the cover story ‘Survival at stake’ of national magazine ‘Frontline’ volume 23-issue 26:: Dec.30,2006 to Jan.12,2007from the publishers of The Hindu daily on the forest rights legislation, a report on the Gujars inhabited in the core area of Sariska Tiger Reserve titled as Nature vs. people by T.K.Rajlakshmi was published: “Ever since the disappearance of the tiger population from Sariska, almost all the forest-dwelling Gujar families have come under pressure to move out of the forest. Eleven villages in the reserve area will be relocated in order to restore the tiger habitat. There are 28 villages within Sariska’s 881-square kilometer area and nearly 200 more in the general vicinity of the reserve. The pastoral community has lived in the reserve for generations, content with its frugal lifestyle. The Gujars are now being accused of indiscriminate felling of trees and depletion of forest land, and of indulging in commercial activity by selling milk and milk products outside the reserve.Radha denies her people are making money by selling thickened milk or maava to the towns people.” If that was the case, why would I live in this mud house?” she asks. If the Gujars have benefited from tiger poaching, as is insinuated, there is no evidence of the resulting property in their homes. A vegetarian community, they do not hunt. Two successive drought years wreaked havoc on the ecology of the reserve. Much of the Gujar livestock perished in that period. Contrary to reports that each family has hundred buffalos, not more then 3 or 4 buffalos per family were visible. Some forest officials and wildlife experts argue that the relocation package for the Gujars is reasonable. The package includes six bighas (2.2 acres or .96 hectares) of un irrigated land or 3 bighas of irrigated land, the cost of shifting from the reserve and Rs 40,000 for the construction of a homestead on the land. The Gujars feel the package is not sufficient as they would have no excess to grazing land and their entire lifestyle would change. “If they make it difficult for us to live here, then we will have to go. But it is not right. We had nothing to do with the disappearance of the tiger. Our people have lived with the tiger for centuries”. Jubber said. The Gujars, he (Rajesh Gupta, Deputy Conservator of Forests and Deputy Field Director of Project Tiger) said, were attached to the land but they needed to realize that they were under great hardship, their children were malnourished and they were deprived of education facilities. The wild life act of
India did not permit the construction of pucca house or buildings in the vicinity of the forest. The Gujars have not availed themselves of electricity supplies too as their homesteads are in the core area.”
The Gujars of Rajasthan in general are perceived by other castes as a group involved in small theft of cattle, foodgrains and things of daily life. In areas like Sawai madhopur, Dholpur and Karauli districts most of the ‘Dacoits ‘belong to Gujar community due to various socio-economic and geographical characteristics. Similar situation is found in Bharatpur, Alwar and Harauti region. It is a general folk-say in Rajasthan:
“Mina, Gujar, Kanjar, Kutta,Billi,Bunder, Ye chhe Jaat na hooti, To khol kivadia soti”
(If the six castes i.e. Mina, Gujar, Kanjar and dog, cat and monkey were not there in the universe, she would have slept by opening doors i.e. without any fear).
In another folk say of Rajasthan, the similarity in lifestyle of Gujars and Kanjars has been shown:
“Gujar, Kanjar Ek Mata, Aage Revad laer Kuta”
The meaning of the above is Gujars and Kanjars are of the same type. Gujar always have its herd (revad) with him whereas a Kanjar is always seen with a dog.
These are some other proverbs or folk say about Gujars mentioned by Herbert Risley in his book’The People of India’ which show their social backwardness and perception of other communities about Gujars:
“When you see a Gujar hammer him.”
“You can not tame a hare, or make a friend of a Gujars”
“When all other castes are dead make friends with a Gujar”
“It will remain waste unless a Gujar takes it (said or poor land)”
“A Gujar’s daughter is a box of gold”. (The bride price is high among Gujars).
“A Dom made friends with a Gujar; the Gujar looted his house.
“Sense for a Gujar; a sheath for a harrow (two impossible)
The cultural traits, customs and traditions and the distinctive lifestyle of Gujars of Rajasthan exhibit their social backwardness. One may easily notice a naked Gujar women-taking bath in the open at well. Their overall standard of living is very low. It is relevant to mention here that in a report of ‘Daang’ area published in ‘India Today’ magazine dtd 5th Sept. 2001, the social backwardness of Gujars has been reported which says that in the long tract of approx 1000 kilometer of Daang which include Dholpur, Karauli, Sawai-madhopur and Bharatpur districts, the whole institution of marriage and family has been distorted and corrupted mainly due to polyandry and other socio-economic reasons.
Educational Backwardness: Most Gujar children are involved with their parents in animal husbandry and/or subsistence agriculture. Gujars rank lowest among all the major castes/tribes of Rajasthan in terms of literacy, education in female in particular and higher “professional degree courses in general. The Gujars avoid educating the girls in general because it becomes difficult for the parents to find a suitable match. There are very few educated and Service class Gujar youth at any given period available for marriage .The attitude of Gujars todards formal education is that education makes their boys defiant and insolent and alienates them from the rest of the society. Further the practise of child marriage that is wide spread among Gujars of Rajasthan discourages the boys for further studies. Instead they prefer to earn their livlihood for the new family. Kind attention is also invited to the chapter IX ‘Literacy’ of Census Report of Rajputana, 1931, page No 99, where a table showing literates per 1000 in males and females among 18 major Castes has been given. In this table, Gujars (8 and nil) are at the 14th position i.e. just above the Rebari(6 and nil), Meo(5 and nil), Chamar(4 and nil) and Bhil(1 and nil). In this table, the Gujars are equivalent to Grassia, a Scheduled Tribe, (8 and nil) in the literacy rate but notably they are at lower level from Mina (10 and nil) and Bhangi(11 and 4) .Besides the Gujars are far below then the Other Bacward Classes viz. Kumhar, Khati, Yadav Jats etc.
The representation of Gujars in higher education can be examined by counting number of students belonging to Gujar community studying at University of Rajasthan, Jaipur and in its colleges at Jaipur. The picture that emerges is really shocking: There are only 10-15 students in post graduation courses of university. Further there are only 5 students in Maharaja College. There are only 10-15 students in Rajasthan College and Commerce College.(Note: Jaipur is located almost centrally to the areas, which are having majority of Gujar population). The situation of girls is even worse. There are hardly 8-10 girls in the Maharani College of the university out of approx.4500. The share of Gujars in 1st and 2nd grade services of state and central Government in Rajasthan is almost ‘NIL’ considering their population size i.e. approx. 35-40 lakhs(about 6% of total population of Rajasthan). It is lower then any caste in Rajasthan. The table given below shows representation of Gujars in 1st grade state services after 60 years of independence:
Sr.No Name of Post Total no of Gujars(Direct recruits)
1. Raj.Administration Service 05
2. Raj.Police Service Nil
3. Raj.Accounts Service Nil
4. Raj.Traffic Service Nil
5. Raj. Comm.tax Service 01
6. Raj.Co-operative Service 02
7. Raj. Tourism Service Nil
8. Raj.Jail Service Nil
9. Raj. Industry Service Nil
10. Raj.Forest Service 01
The representation of Gujars of Rajasthan in other Services is as follows:
Sr.No Name of Post Total no of Gujars
1. College Lecturers 20
2. Professors 04
3. Doctors 08
4. Engineers 05
5. Bank P.O 04
6. Insurance(AAO) 02
The picture is more or less similar in all the Government departments.
What they have achieved in 60 years from the system is few posts of fourth classes in some departments, sepoys in army from some specific regions of Dausa and Karauli and few posts of third grade school teachers.
The total representation of Gujars in Central Civil Services recruited through UPSC is 5 out of which 2 have been recruited before implementation of Mandal Commission’s Report. There is only one IAS from the Gujar community of Rajasthan in 60 years. There is nil representation of Gujars of Rajasthan in All India Services like Indian Police Service, Indian Foreign Service, and Indian Forest Service etc. after 60 years of independence. There is not a single Judge in the High Court/Supreme Court from the Gujar community. There are only two Gujars in Rajasthan Judicial Services. The total number of Gujars who have taken MBBS and Engineering degree in 60 years is not more then 30.There are very few Gujars from Rajasthan who have done professional courses like chartered accountant and management (MBA).
Economic Backwardness: As per Census of India, 1931 for Rajputana Agency in chapter XII Race, Tribe and Caste, the following introductory remarks have been given:
“Gujars-The 526,791 Gujars are chiefly found in the eastern part of the Agency (Alwar, Bharatpur, Karauli, Jaipur, Kotah, Bundi"Mewar). Though herdsmen by tradition, they are also extensively engage in agriculture but not, perhaps, with the same degree of skill and patience as Jats and Ahirs.”
The dominant form of sustenance among the Gujars was pastoralism. Nonetheless Gujars response to situations was different as per their ecological surrounding and situations. There was subtle movement of the Gujars towards sedentarisation. This process of sedentarisation of the Gujars continued unabated throughout the medieval period. The commercialization of agriculture, increase in the extent of cultivation and shrinking of grazing grounds and forests were the crucial factors behind this transformation. However, even once they sedentarised to a certain extent, their preference to keep animal husbandry as their main occupation and semi nomadic character, continued to remain an important socio-economic feature of their social system. The Gujars are not traditionally agricultural tribe, so the little agriculture they do is poorly managed and yield a below average crop. The Gujars of Rajasthan are marginal farmers having very small land holdings i.e. 1 to 1.5 acre per family. They follow traditional farming practices with inferior technology. Except a few areas like Bharatpur, they have less fertile land. They do not have proper irrigation facility and mainly depend on seasonal rains. Animal husbandry is the mainstay of their income. The need to sell milk forces them to interact with traders in town. Being a simple, illiterate tribe they are invariably cheated by the traders. Being totally illiterate meant that even their animal rearing practices are very basic and as such could never really achieve the true potential of the business itself.
The Gujars of Rajasthan also rear herd of goat and sheep which are known as revad .The herd at night is kept in a surrounding prepared by dry vegetation (bada) and wood. At least one or two members of the family are engaged in looking after the herd that stay with the herd all the time. Gujars have intimate social relationship with their livestock. They consider their animals as fellow creatures and essential partner in the struggle for life. They explain illness amongst livestock due to evil forces or the violation of taboo. In such a situation Gujars take help of the Gothiya or the Bhomiya after he has induced a state of trance.
There is hardly any shop of any kind owned by a person belonging to Gujar community in the market of most of the towns which are surrounded by thick population of rural Gujars. This shows that their representation in trade and commerce is also ‘Nil’.
Conclusion: The Gujar and the Meena community share most of the characteristics. They are inhabited in the same geographical area; by and large follow same marriage patterns, folk dance and songs, customs, culture, life style etc. The only difference is that Meena are distributed in the plain fertile area and are traditionally good agriculturist whereas Gujar inhabit the hilly, forested and daang area, cut off from the main stream and thriving mainly on animal husbandry. The traditional occupation followed by Gujars is pastoralism, which make them even more eligible to be classified as a scheduled tribe. Their social customs, culture and distinctive life style is nearly primitive. The Gujars are very backward socially, economically and educationally. Most of them are illiterate and uncivilized even after 60 years of independence. There representation in higher studies, professional courses and Government jobs is negligible.
Accordingly it will be justice, though delayed, if the genuine claim of the Gujar community for inclusion in the scheduled tribe list of Rajasthan is considered symphethetically and positively.
Referances / Sources:1. The book titled ‘Tribal India’ by Nadeem Hasnain.
2. “Gojri and its relation with Rajasthani” An article written by J.C.Sharma in ‘Language in
India’ Volume 2:2, 2 Aprail, 2002
3. “Writing Gojri” A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University Of North Dakota.
4. ‘Image of the Barbarian’ 7th chapter of the book titled ‘Ancient Indian Social History-Some Interpretations’by Romila Thaper.
5. The book titled ‘Against History against State’ by Shail Mayaram.
6. ‘Genetics of Castes and Tribes of India’ A Study report by M.K.Bhasin, Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi.
7. A Research study report on ‘Migrant tribal woman’ submitted to Planning Commission, Govt of India.
8.Research studies conducted by Dr.R.S.Balgir, Deputy Director " Head, Devision of Human Genetics, Regional Medical Research Centre, Bhubaneshwar.
9.Article ‘Historical neglect’ published in national daily Hindustan Times’by Shail Mayaram, Professor " Senior fellow, CSDS.
10.Article ‘Caste, Tribe and the politics of reservation’published in national daily Hindu by Shail Mayaram, Professor " Senior Fello, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies,New Delhi.
11.The book titled ‘Dishnoured by History: Criminal Tribes " British Colonial Policy by Dr Radhakrishna and a report on the book in the issue of national daily Hindi dtd. July 16, 2000.
12.The book titled ‘Branded by Law: Looking at India, s Denotofied Tribes by Dilip D’Souza and a report on the book in the issue of national magazine ‘Frontline dtd. December 07-20,2002.
13.The Scheduled Tribes’ People of India’ National Series –Vol.iii,Anthropological Survey of
India by K.S.Singh.
14. 27th Report of Standing Committee On Labour and Welfare (2002) on The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Orders (Second Amendment) Bill, 2002
15. A report namely ‘Now Pahari community…..published in national daily ‘Hindu’on dtd June 06, 2007.
16. The book titled ‘People of India’State Series-Rajasthan, Anhropological Survey of
India by K.S.Singh.
17. The book titled ‘Tribes " Castes of North-western India’by William Crooke.
18. The legend of Devnarayan and phad tradition by www.ignca.gov.in
19. Study report ‘Tigers and Tribes’ submitted in the symposium held in August, 2005 on the bill ‘Tribal Rights on
Forest land’.
20. A report ‘Nature vs. people’ published in Cover story ‘Survival at stake’of national magazine ‘Frontline’on the forest rights legislation.
21. The book titled ‘People of India’ by Herbert Risley.
22. Issue of national magazine ‘India Today’ dtd 5th Sept.2001.
23. Census of India, 1931 for Rajputana Agency, Chapter XII-Race,Tribe and Caste.
24. Imperial Gazetteer ofIndia-Provincial series-Rajputana vol. 11, page 325; vol.21, page 114, vol 17 page 314.
25. The book titled “Growth of Scheduled Castes and Tribes in Medieval India”, by Dr. K.S.Lal, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 1995.
26. The book titled “JATS " GUJARS”, 1899, by British writer A.H.Bingley.
27. Various reports on the Census of British India from 1881 to 1901.